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The Turkish Tail Wags the NATO Dog

The Turkish Tail Wags the NATO Dog

ErdoganPort, cc Flickr thierry ehrmann, modified, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/

As NATO has expanded eastward towards Russia, there has been an ever-present risk that its easternmost members would adopt a significantly more hawkish policy towards Russia than its original founding members. Some have seen this in Poland, possibly using the current Ukrainian crisis (and NATO in turn) to re-establish its former preeminence in Eastern Europe under the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. That’s why Poland has focused on possible Russian moves into the Baltic states, further possible Russian incursions into Ukraine, and leveraged possible division between Belarus and Russia.

Turkey’s recent downing of a Russian Su-24 warplane over the Turkey-Syria border has seriously raised the stakes in the Syrian Civil War. Even more telling was Turkey’s action afterwards, namely to seek common cause and solidarity with its NATO allies, before communicating with the Russians. Despite recent economic, specifically energy-related endeavors, the NATO consultation merely follows a pattern in which the Turks have sought assistance from distant Western Europe to counterbalance their proximate historical rival, Russia. Lastly, Turkey may be using its NATO allies’ fear and suspicion of Russia to re-establish the sphere of influence it once enjoyed under the Ottoman Empire.

Constantinople’s Fall and The Charge of the Light Brigade

Shortly after the Seljuk Turks smashed the remnants of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, Turkey started to assert a major role in European security affairs, specifically in the Balkans and Southeastern Europe. Already one of the world’s most economically-developed cities, Constantinople retained its strategic position as the literal crosspoint of Europe and Asia. The Turkish capital’s terrain significance was further enhanced by its position as a gateway between the Black and Mediterranean Seas.

With the onset of the Crimean War exactly four hundred years after the Byzantines’ destruction, Turkey was the actual focal point of the war itself.

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Militarizing the Arctic: Is Canada Ready for a Literal Cold War with Russia?

Militarizing the Arctic: Is Canada Ready for a Literal Cold War with Russia?

 

ArcticGuide, cc Flickr Mike Beauregard, modified, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/ 

Over the past decade, Moscow has been projecting its power, and boldly testing the cohesion and determination of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), and their closest allies in many different regions either considered unstable or contested for their strategic value. Some of these clashes took place immediately after the Soviet Union dissolved while others occurred during the turn of the century and closer to (even up to) the present day. Violent political and ethnic conflict has occurred in the former Soviet republics but also well beyond the borders of the Russian Federation as it exists today. Not all of those conflicts have proven decisive; many remain in stalemate or are simply “frozen.” A non-exhaustive list of those conflicts includes: Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Crimea, Novorossiya, and Syria.

The Arctic attracted headlines more than half a decade ago when Russia planted a flag at the bottom of the Arctic Ocean. Russia has also been intensifying its military flights that violate European and North American airspace in addition to sending ships to the Caribbean, South Asia, and testing United States (US) coastal security. Much of the world’s attention has been focusing on the EU’s ongoing migrant crisis, the “Arab Awakening,” the rise of ISIS in the Middle East, and the current multifaceted conflict in Syria and Iraq. But Moscow’s interest in the Arctic has remained in place. Many analysts argue that war is brewing. Others maintain that while he is willing to test his adversaries, Putin clearly recognizes which issues would be suicide for Russia.

Will Russia and Canada come to blows over the Arctic? If so, what are the stakes, and is Canada ready?

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Of Europe, Syria and Anthropogeographic Inversion

Of Europe, Syria and Anthropogeographic Inversion

 

EuropeMap_1721, cc WikicommonsThe immediate force behind the rapid and successful European overseas projection was actually the combination of two elements. Europe’s economic advancement (less the capacity to invent than the readiness to retake from others, the so-called superior adaptive capacity in technology, navigation, and transport) coupled with a demographic expansion – from early 16th century on. Still, is it credible to say that European history was enhanced by a progressive temporal linearity, whereas the rest of this planet was/is ruled by regressive temporal circles of stagnation? Or, is – on contrary – Gerard Delanty right when he claims that “Europe did not derive its identity from itself but from the formation of a set of global contrasts”?

West/Europe was not winning – frankly speaking by applying a Huntingtonian argument – over the rest of this planet by the supremacy of its views and ideas, by purity of its virtues or by clarity and sincerity of its religious thoughts and practices. For a small and rather insecure civilization from the anthropogeographic suburbia in a cold temperate zone (situated next to permafrost), it was just the superiority through efficiency in applying the rationalized violence and organized (legitimized) coercion that Europe successfully projected. That, of course, included the so-called open-seas for a free trade mantra, which was the other name for the powerful tool in acquiring might for Europeans. (It was primarily thanks to a forceful and rampant triangular transcontinental trade, brutally imposed by Europeans: Enslaved Africans shipped to America in exchange for gold and silver from there to Europe, in order to cover European deficits in importing the cutting-edge technologies, manufactured products, other goods and spices from a that-time superior Asia and Middle East.

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In Search of a Resolution to the Syrian War, Refugee Crisis

In Search of a Resolution to the Syrian War, Refugee Crisis

 

assadgraf, cc Flickr thierry ehrmannOne of the main migration routes is to head for Turkey, then to Greece in order to proceed towards the Balkans and Italy, and finally branch into France and then the United Kingdom. Another route sees passage via Romania, Hungary, and Austria, with the final destination of Germany. This route has drawn a lot of attention over the past few weeks as the number of migrants opting for it has dramatically increased. Note that the Syrian refugees are very different from the African migrants, whose routes begin in West Africa and the Horn of Africa, converging in Libya, where human traffickers and criminal organizations force them to ‘board’ the infamous ‘boats’ and cross the Mediterranean powered by fortune and prayer in order to land in Italy or Malta. There are also less popular – more controlled – routes that run through Algeria-Morocco-Spain.

As if to emphasize the fact that the various Middle Eastern adventures of the ‘Bush of Arabia’ years, from Afghanistan to Iraq and the War on Terror in general, have all failed miserably, arriving with the Syrians are also migrants from Afghanistan and Pakistan. They tend to use one of the many “routes” created by heroin traffickers to ship their product from Afghanistan to northern Europe and the Russian Federation. The coincidence is not surprising given that the smuggling of migrants is controlled by organized crime. We talk a lot about Greece, but the real buffer state between the countries of origin and Fortress Europe is Turkey. There are two routes used by migrants to reach Turkey: the Middle East from Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan, and the Indian subcontinent (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh).

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Refugee Crisis Reminds Europe There is a Real War in Syria

Refugee Crisis Reminds Europe There is a Real War in Syria

Hungary builds border fence on its border with Serbia, cc Freedom House Flickr, modified, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/

 

Refugees are not the problem; war is. If the war in Syria doesn’t stop, the flow of refugees will only continue. The refugee wave, marked by the dramatic image of tens of thousands of Syrians trying to reach Germany from Hungary, is a phenomenon that until very recently has been confused, perhaps deliberately, with mass migration. There is an important difference: migrations are frequently driven by financial or social exclusion. What is happening now in Europe is the inevitable consequence of unresolved crises in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, and Afghanistan – all related to the collapse of these countries’ respective states, the result of wars for which the West bears much responsibility.

Many of the Syrian refugees are ethnic Kurds. Most are escaping from Ayn al-Arab, located near the Syria-Turkey border. Kobane is another popular source. Both have been under attack or siege by Islamic State as the group tries to secure a ‘corridor’ between the area it controls and Turkish territory, which provides a source of fresh recruits and an outlet for oil extracted from Syrian fields. Recently, Turkey has changed its refugee strategy, now preferring to turn them away. Turkey has even blocked Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga fighters who want to assist Kobane’s residents in defending the city, implying a de-facto, if not de-jure, collusion between Ankara and the Islamic State. Meanwhile, the majority of refugees stranded in Hungary are Syrians and while the Islamic State’s brutality has forced them to seek refuge in Europe, Western governments’ insistence on refusing to deal with the Syrian government of President Bashar al-Assad, instead demanding its collapse, has prolonged the Syrian crisis.

 

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Market Meltdown Means More Pain for Oil Producers

OilDerricks, cc Flickr Richard Masoner / Cyclelicious

Market Meltdown Means More Pain for Oil Producers

Supply-side downward price pressure has been the story of global energy prices over the past year: newfound supply from the Shale Revolution, OPEC’s gambit of market-share grabbing inundation, and new supply coming online from Iraq and soon Iran. The result was a plunge in oil prices from $115 in mid-June 2014 to below $70 by mid-December, and then to the low $40s as of last week.

Now we are seeing signs of a new economic crisis, one that began in Asia and spread to Europe and North America. China’s stock market meltdown has gathered pace and the recent yuan devaluation stands as a grim omen of not only tepid Chinese growth, but a lack of currency stability in the region should the crisis deepen. The 8% drop in Chinese exports in July is leading to a few uncomfortable questions of oversupply and a lack of global demand – systemic issues that transcend the sphere of domestic economic policy in China – and a looming currency war will only serve to make things worse.

The precise bottom of this newest sell-off in global equity markets is open to speculation, but in terms of oil prices it represents demand-side downward pressure and, depending on how things pan out, the potential for a whole lot more of it. WTI crude was down over 3% in pre-market trading to flirt with the sub-$39 range.

This is a scenario that is various degrees of terrifying for oil-producing economies, many of which have weathered the past eight months with a combination of fiscal austerity, asset sales, debt issuance, and burning through foreign reserves – basically holding on for dear life and hoping for a price rebound which now looks to have been pushed further into the future.

 

Is Turkey In Over Its Head?

Is Turkey In Over Its Head?

Erdogan, cc Flickr thierry ehrmann

Turkey’s war against Islamic State began with bombs being dropped on Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s (PKK) forces – a central actor in the ongoing insurgency across parts of Syria (a country that ostensibly no longer exists) and Iraq. The PKK has sought autonomy from Turkey since the mid-1980s, with tens of thousands of Turkish and Kurdish soldiers and civilians being counted as part of the casualties of the roughly 30-year conflict. Attempts to carve out a sovereign Kurdish homeland from Turkey during the 1980s led to the deaths of over 30,000 people, many of whom were ethnic Kurds. As part of Turkey’s new role in its conflict with ISIS, the United States has been granted permission to launch aircraft from the Incirlik airbase located near Adana. The United States already has approximately six fighter aircraft and several hundred military personnel stationed at the base.

The battle of Kobane, which lasted from mid-September 2014 until mid-March 2015, brought the fighting to the borders of Turkey. At the end of July 2015, when Turkey entered into the conflict, its attacks against the PKK were the first strikes against the Kurds situated in northern Iraq since the brokering of a peace deal between Turkey and the PKK in 2013. The Kurdish group’s accusations that the Turkish government is plotting terrorist attacks (in collusion with ISIS forces) against ethnic Kurdish communities greatly adds to tensions due to Ankara’s already inimical disposition toward the Kurds.

The situation in northern Iraq and Syria is a Gordian knot: Turkey vs. Kurds (with Kurdish intergroup fighting predating ISIS) vs. ISIS (with internal fragmentation and al-Qaeda support) vs. Syrian opposition groups.

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Is Puerto Rico the New Greece?

Is Puerto Rico the New Greece?

Puerto Rico cc Flickr Juan Cristobal Zulueta

While the world’s attention has been firmly fixed on Greece’s debt crisis and the “Grexit” threat, there is trouble brewing much closer to home. Staying largely in the Greek shadow, Puerto Rico is on the brink of defaulting on its debts. The parallels with Greece are unavoidable, and not just on account of the timing, so it is worth taking a deeper look into whether Puerto Rico is the United States’ own Greece and if its looming debt default could potentially have similar repercussions.

Background

What has been going on with Puerto Rico? In short, once a prosperous Caribbean nation, in the past decade Puerto Rico has seen its economy shrink considerably. This trend, the growing migration of citizens to the mainland, as well as the island’s labor policy, have all conspired to create the perfect storm for Puerto Rico.

Jumping to present day, Governor Alejandro Garcia Padilla recently told the New York Times that the nation’s $72 billion debt was ‘not payable,’ while Reuters quoted Moody’s as warning that the probability of Puerto Rico defaulting on its securities was approaching 100 percent.

Much like Greece, Puerto Rico has been asking its creditors for debt relief, and much like Greece, it relies on a much wealthier economy to the north. The island’s debt, owed to a combination of creditors, is higher per capita than any US state.

Default Repercussions

With Puerto Rico’s default almost certain, one cannot help but wonder about the potential impact on the US economy, especially given the parallels with Greece and the chaos which the Grexit could unleash not only on the Eurozone but on the world.

In addition to disrupting the life of Puerto Rico’s citizens, the repercussions of a default would ripple through the traditionally low-risk bond market, impacting investors such as retirement funds.

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A Fine Balance: China’s Need for Resources and Stability in the South China Sea

A Fine Balance: China’s Need for Resources and Stability in the South China Sea

The shift in demographic and economic weight from Europe to East Asia has intensified over the past 20 years, which makes East Asia and its coastal areas increasingly important – a critical shift in current and future international relations dynamics underscored by the United States’ (US) “Pivot to Asia” or East Asian foreign policy of the Obama administration. Four Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members, plus China/Taiwan either partially or fully claim sovereignty over the South China Sea and its territorial features: islands, reefs, and atolls. Given the importance of the South China Sea’s islands and sub-soils, we seek to assess whether a Chinese policy towards the South China Sea’s territorial disputes endangers regional stability and cooperation.

Economic and Strategic Importance of the Spratly Islands

China’s extensive borders, surrounded by sea and a rich diversity of neighbors, from large Russia, unstable Afghanistan, to maritime neighbors such as the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan, presents a host of security challenges. The South China Sea forms part of the complexity of China’s border security challenges. The following claimants surround the South China Sea: China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Territorial disputes contribute to regional volatility. The Sea is considered a flashpoint for conflict in the Asia Pacific Region. There are two groups of islands in the South China Sea: the Paracel and Spratly Islands. China, Taiwan, and Vietnam claim all of the Paracel and Spartly Islands, while Malaysia, the Philippines, and Brunei only claim parts of the Spratlys. Claims put forward by China, Taiwan, and Vietnam are historically based, whereas claims made by Malaysia and Brunei are based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLoS), the proximity principle, and the continental shelf principle. The Philippines’ claim is based on proclaimed discovery of unclaimed islands in 1956.

 

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The Greek People Should Vote No

The Greek People Should Vote No

 

Protesters clash with policemen during riots at a May Day rally in Athens, cc Flickr JoannaGreece has defaulted on its 1.3 billion euro payment to the International Monetary Fund and the euro zone is still intact, but nobody has any clear idea about what will happen after next Sunday’s referendum.

Prime Minister Tsipras and Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis, a game theory expert, have been playing a game of chicken with the troika ever since their Syriza party won the elections last January. All the Greek government wants is to be able to choose the shape of Greek public policy. All the troika – and some of its European partners, namely Germany – demands is for Greece to honor its commitments if it wants more ‘help.’ Unfortunately, the two demands are irreconcilable because they have only one aspect in common: austerity. Greek, indeed European, fiscal policy has been very austere over the past several years. The euro’s rise was pegged to the Deutschmark while the overarching preoccupation of the ECB has been to control inflation, forcing a collapse of the generally Keynesian policies that characterized the economies of many of the euro zone partners. Since the euro came into use in 2002, European governments have faced pressure to cut costs. Since 2010, despite the alleged Greek profligacy, Athens has cut spending more drastically than any other government in Europe. There have been double digit reductions in pension payments, jobs, salaries and investment. Unemployment has reached an optimistic 25%, youth unemployment is beyond 65%.

The troika’s aid has been pegged to Greece showing some signs of growth. Of course the spending cuts, with corresponding tax increases, have only dug austerity deeper. No growth is possible under such circumstances; Europe as a whole must change its tune and resume a more Keynesian outlook if Greece and the euro zone are to survive in the long run. Many will cite Greece’s moral obligations to repay its loans and honor its obligations. 

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Energy Security in the EU: Pipelines, Powers, and Political Relations

Energy Security in the EU: Pipelines, Powers, and Political Relations

gazpromsign, cc Flickr antjeverenaThe Many Faces of Energy Security

The term “energy security,” despite its pessimistic applications and loose definitions, is profligately used in policy circles and academic fields. Limiting disruptions of supply to broader definitions, which have political, economic, and/or environmental bearing, is common of energy security treatments. According to the UK Department of Energy and Climate Change, it is taken as a country’s ability to ensure that the “risks of interruption to energy supply, are low.”

Three dimensions of energy security should be underscored: physical securityprice security, and geopolitical security. Optimum energy security is achieved by avoiding physical interruptions, “unnecessary price spikes due to supply/demand imbalances or poor market operation” and “undue reliance on specific nations so as to maintain maximum degrees of freedom in foreign policy.” While some cover energy security from the perspective of the consumer, the significance of energydependence on supply-countries still tends to receive less coverage in the media.

The term frequently emerges within the geopolitical discourse of Europe and the European Union (EU), and the EU polity’s relationship with the Russian Federation. Energy security is a salient issue as it regards the geopolitical context of southeast Europe and the Black Sea region. Ukraine receives considerable attention because of its position between Russian and particular member states of the EU, making it a transit country – and one perceived with increasing unreliability as it provides Russia with its monopoly over supplies to much of the European market.

States and Energy

In early 2015, Gazprom head Alexei Miller announced that EU gas transit via Ukraine would be cut. South Stream was brought to a close by the EU Commission due to non-compliance with the EU’s energy laws. 

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China’s Island Building Reveals the True Power in Asia

China’s Island Building Reveals the True Power in Asia

 

chinaflag, cc Flickr, Nicolas RaymondChina’s land reclamation moves in the South China Sea may be cause for reproach, but no one will do a thing about Beijing’s island-building program beyond the huff and puff of objection.

While the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) has been deliberating on the Philippines’ case against Chinese expansion into the Spratly Islands, China has stated that the results will have no bearing on its behavior, and has since reclaimed over 2,000 acres of land.

China continues to push the limits because it knows it can get away with its land grab, avoiding conflict or tarnishing any of its bilateral relations, even as the United States tries to vilify its eastern rival.

US Secretary of Defense Ash Carter remarked to the Shangri-La Dialogue Security Council in May that China risks miscalculation or conflict with its actions.

Adding to the litany of concerns, Malaysia’s defense minister warned of the potential for this flashpoint to escalate into one of the region and the world’s deadliest conflicts. Though tensions have risen in region making the Spratlys a potential flashpoint, China rarely lets its actions risk stability.

Pursuing its claims over the South China Sea – overstepping those of the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia among others – is not the move of a bellicose nation poised for overt conquest. Instead it’s the cool calculation of a country with a penchant for stability and a keen eye for potential dangers; and it is this insidiousness that is most alarming.

There is justification in the international community’s concerns with China’s expansion in the South China Sea. Regional neighbors don’t want to live in the shadow of a growing hegemon who employs bully tactics and uses its economic clout against them. They therefore look to the Washington for help. It is also in the United States’ interest to hamper the ascendency of its eastern rival – BRICS, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the rise of the New Silk Road – to maintain its fleeting dominance in Asia.

 

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Canada Steps Out of Peacekeeper Role and into the Unknown

Canada Steps Out of Peacekeeper Role and into the Unknown

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), intelligence, and border surveillance agencies have drawn hundreds of millions of dollars to “combat terrorism” in a federal budget that made special reference to the murder of two Canadian soldiers in Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu and Ottawa last October. While there is the impression that the current Canadian government has devoted a greater portion of its budgets to defense spending to expand the role of the Canadian military, in reality, the Conservatives have devoted far more relative attention and dollars to internal security. What is clearer is that Canada’s military has become a tool for the government’s self-promotion and for electoral grandstanding, as demonstrated by the way its recent deployments to the Middle East, in concert with Bill C-51, have been exploited.

An additional C$292.6 million over five years has been allocated to the RCMP, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), and the Canada Border Agency services to fight terrorism and intercept the financing of terrorist groups. This new funding is a response to criticism from the opposition, which argued that the Canadian law enforcement team was being ignored. As expected, the Conservatives have used the budget to give Canadians the impression of caring for their safety, while Finance Minister Joe Oliver reinforced the need for additional security measures, warning citizens that jihadists had “declared war on Canada and Canadians.”

The budget also includes C$12.5 million over five years to oversee intelligence services in order to address concerns from the NDP and the Liberals about the lack supervision measures in Bill C-51 – so called anti-terrorism legislation that was recently passed in the House. An additional C$94.4 million over the next five years was allotted to protect Canada’s infrastructure from cyber-attacks. Despite the grandstanding, some analysts suggest that the additional funds account for a mere five percent increase in Canada’s public security budget. Nonetheless, the Conservative government has framed the budget to appeal to people’s anxieties emanating from lingering international crises.

 

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