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A Renaissance of Localism

A Renaissance of Localism

The movement, once as small as the things it appreciates, is finding traction in our frenzied age.

Town Hall meeting in Kentfield, CA, 2017.Photo credit: Fabrice Florin/Creative Commons

People are at last beginning to pay attention to localism.

The idea behind the term is old—ancient even—but it appears to be “having a moment,” so to speak, in this fractured and divisive era. In their recently released book The New Localism, Bruce Katz and Jeremy Nowak argue for city-centric growth and governance, touting a more decentralized mode of leadership and problem solving. Both the Brookings Institution and the American Enterprise Institute have recently argued that localism could offer more accountability and empowerment to needy communities. David Brooks wrote a column for the New York Times in July arguing that localism might constitute a “coming wave” in U.S. politics and culture. And Duke Law School professor Joseph Blocher argued for Voxthis spring that “firearm localism” might provide a path forward for gun control and gun rights advocates.

It’s worthwhile, amid all this attention, to revisit the work of those who have been touting the benefits of localism for a decade or more. The Front Porch Republic was founded in response to the 2008 financial crisis, as founding editors Mark Mitchell, Jeremy Beer, and Patrick Deneen recognized the profound inability of both political parties to respond to our nation’s needs. They created an online magazine that offered an alternate view, one not so much “Democratic” or “Republican” as bipartisan and prudential. Their contributing team includes many scholars and professors—such as Hope College political science professor Jeff Polet, Spring Arbor University English professor Jeffrey Bilbro, and Notre Dame architecture professor Philip Bess—but has also featured the dynamic writing and humor of The American Conservative’s Bill Kauffman and Manhattan native Susannah Black.

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Can ‘Localism’ Restore Sanity to Politics?

Can ‘Localism’ Restore Sanity to Politics?

I live in one of those old towns that was not built for cars. Its Main Street is narrow, hedged in with historic stone houses and walls. As commuter traffic has intensified over the past several years, it’s become increasingly dangerous to walk along Main Street.

The mayor of my tiny Virginia town has worked incessantly to fix this, by fostering walkability and traffic-calming measures since he ran for town council in the 1990s. I’m determined to help him: I want to walk with my daughter to the playground or the farmer’s market without fearing for her safety.

Our mayor is liberal. He drives around town with an Obama ’08 bumper sticker on his car. I am a conservative, pro-life Christian; in 2016, I voted for Evan McMullin for president. But our partisan political differences mean nothing when it comes to caring for this town and making it better. Here at the local level, our interests intertwine: They are practical, achievable, even apolitical.

This is localism, a bottom-up, practically oriented way of looking at today’s biggest policy dilemmas. Instead of always or only seeking to fix municipal issues through national policy, localism suggests that communities can and should find solutions to their own particular problems, within their own particular contexts. The best walkability solutions for Washington, D.C., may not work in my town. Urban revitalization efforts in Detroit will need to look different than those efforts employed in rural Iowa.

If we’re to find hope and unity for our politics in this fractured era, localism may be the perfect place to start.

It hands ownership and power back to those who are most likely to feel hollowed out and powerless in the face of federal stasis. As the Brookings Institution fellows Bruce Katz and Jeremy Nowak write in their new book The New Localism, this approach empowers postindustrial cities and dying towns to fix their problems from within, without federal bureaucracy or funds.

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How the Cult of the Colossal Imperils American Agriculture

How the Cult of the Colossal Imperils American Agriculture

Stressed-out farmers today only grow food for global consumption, and that is leading to a crisis at home.

The 2018 farm bill is currently at a standstill as congressmen debate proposed changes to the bill’s SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) provisions. SNAP is a huge and important welfare program, one that reminds us that the USDA and the farm bill are not focused exclusively on farms, but are also responsible for a bevy of other rural development issues (such as rural energy programs, the rural housing service, and rural utilities service).

But this pause in the farm bill process also gives us an opportunity to talk about what this bill does not usually do well: namely care for the nation’s small to midsize farmers and incentivize sustainable farming methodologies.

This deficit in focus and care is not new. The farm bill’s bias towards bigness has existed for decades now, and was doubly reinforced during the 1970s by USDA Secretary Earl Butz (the man who notoriously told farmers to “get big or get out”). Many of the agricultural revolutions we’ve seen over the past few decades—from small family farms to large-scale factory farms, from crop diversity to commoditized homogeneity—emerged most prominently in the 1970s and 1980s under Butz’s leadership at the USDA. At the time, our understanding of agriculture and its purposes were also shifting: what had formerly been understood as a local enterprise meant to feed local inhabitants was increasingly viewed as a global enterprise meant to foster trade relations and massive corn and soybean sales overseas.

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Olduvai IV: Courage
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Olduvai II: Exodus
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